Monday, November 16, 2009

Jailed Donkey Satirists Defiant

Some people had been expecting that the harsh sentences handed down to two young online activists last week in Azerbaijan would cast a chill over pro-democracy internet campaigning in the energy-rich, politically intolerant former Soviet state. According to some bloggers there, however, the prosecution of Emin Milli and Adnan Hajizade could possibly have the opposite effect, inspiring other young people to speak out more openly. Prominent Azeri blogger Ali Novruzov emailed me at the weekend to say this:

"This case was seen from the very beginning as an assault on online speech, that the small community of citizen journalists and activists who dare to speak their mind and criticise the government policies, thus it could be predicted that after Emin and Adnan receive harsh sentences despite huge international and internal pressures, they would shut up or lessen their tone. But it went as unpredictable as the trial itself was. From what I witness now, the youth activists and citizen journalists have become more politically conscious, outspoken and more organized."

Here's more on the story from my regular column in The Moscow Times:

"I'm ready to take any punishment for the ideals I believe in. It is an honour for me to be imprisoned for my ideals."

These were the defiant last words of a young Azeri internet activist, just before he and a fellow campaigner were taken from a courtroom last week in the capital, Baku, to start prison sentences for ‘hooliganism’. Emin Milli was jailed for two-and-a-half years and Adnan Hajizade for two years after they were convicted of starting a fight in a restaurant. But their friends insist they were prosecuted because they were using online media like Facebook, YouTube and Twitter to build support for pro-democracy youth movements in Azerbaijan.

"If there was a sentence, it means they were guilty," a ruling party spokesman declared. Supporters of the two young activists, however, claim that the evidence was fabricated and the verdict was intended as a warning: public criticism of the authorities can put you behind bars. "Our special thanks to the Azerbaijani government for they showed to whole world our ‘justice’ at work," wrote one Baku-based blogger. International rights groups and western diplomats have denounced the prosecution, but Azerbaijan’s massive energy resources have made its government increasingly impervious to external censure.

The case follows a series of clampdowns on traditional media and the imprisonment of several opposition journalists. Political satire is seen as particularly risky; Milli and Hajizade were arrested not long after distributing a comical video clip which featured a talking donkey lampooning official corruption. Local analysts have suggested that the authorities could also be concerned about the rise of new generation of internet-savvy, independent-minded youth in Azerbaijan. Television stations largely echo the government’s opinions, but the use of online media has been increasing significantly and is harder to control.

Friends of Milli and Hajizade have told me that they believe the case was an attempt to scare other Azeri internet activists into silence. But when I asked one of them if she thought this was likely to succeed, I got a surprising response: "People are not afraid any more, they are proud of Emin and Adnan and want to continue everything," she replied. "The current spirit among young people fighting for democracy and liberty now is: this is not the end, this is a great beginning."

Monday, November 2, 2009

Heretics Nabbed for 'Indecent' Video Satire

The Georgian police are reported to have tracked down the thought criminals responsible for "indecent and insulting" satirical videos which targeted the head of the Orthodox Church and caused a nationwide scandal in this fervently religious country. A statement from the Interior Ministry identified the culprits as a school pupil and a student. It's not clear yet what action will be taken against them, if any, although the authorities seem to have been motivated to launch the investigation because of the public outcry against the crudely-produced video clips.

More on the latest religious rows in Georgia from my regular column in The Moscow Times:

Is Halloween anti-Christian and anti-Georgian? That’s what some people were asking here in Tbilisi last week after the Orthodox Patriarch, Ilia II – the single most respected figure in the country – called on people to forsake witches’ broomsticks and ghoulish make-up and renounce celebrations of the annual rite. “There are people in Georgia who are trying to bring foreign holidays and attitudes into our country, which may ruin our own traditions,” one of the Patriarch’s devotees told a local newspaper.

The Halloween debate followed a nationwide scandal over a series of animated videos which appeared to mock the elderly Patriarch. In a rare display of political unity, the authorities and opposition both condemned satirical clips which were digitally manipulated to show the Orthodox leader cussing out the Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili.

Tea Tutberidze, who works for a pro-government think-tank in Tbilisi, first posted the videos on her Facebook page, and became the target for the wrath of the faithful. “God will punish you, your fingers will shrivel up,” one online commentator testified; a remark followed by some distinctly un-Christian threats of violence and murder. The Patriarchate claimed that a “dirty campaign” was being waged against the Church – a view echoed by opposition politicians, who insinuated that President Saakashvili was actually behind it all.

Despite the unholy row, Tutberidze was unrepentant. She denounced the Patriarch for recent comments in which he seemed to accuse Saakashvili of failing to avert the war with Russia last year, alleged that the Kremlin maintained a “power base” within the religious hierarchy, and insisted that free speech should know no limits.

But in a country where the Patriarch has become an increasingly potent and unquestionable figure, criticism of the religious establishment is a fast track to pariah status. The Church has shown its political might on several occasions over the past couple of years, halting opposition hunger strikes at Easter last year, and forcing a “sinful” television series to suspend broadcasts.

Some urban liberals are worried about the state-backed Church’s influence on public life, especially in schools, but don’t want to express their views as forcefully as the heretical Tutberidze. Although more than 15 per cent of the population follows other faiths, most see Orthodox Christianity as an integral part of Georgian identity, and anyone who dares to cross them can expect a rough ride.